Interregionalism and the Americas by Gian Luca Gardini Simon Koschut Andreas Falke

Author:Gian Luca Gardini,Simon Koschut,Andreas Falke
Language: eng
Format: epub
Publisher: Lexington Books, a division of Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.

Chapter 7

Interregionalism and the Trump Disruption

The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership: A Postmortem

Andreas Falke

Introduction

The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) is clearly a major interregional project, although after the election of Donald Trump and the abrupt changes in American trade policy, its current status is in doubt. As a matter of fact, a strong argument can be made that it is defunct, at least as long as the current economic nationalism of the Trump administration prevails. But as a project, it clearly fits into the category of hybrid interregionalism, which establishes a relation between a regional organization, the EU, and a single power, the United States (Gardini and Malamud, 2015, 6; Grimmel and Rüland, 2015, 42).

Interregionalism is a multifaceted phenomenon that has undergone significant changes and elaborations generating a highly differentiated typology (Hänggi, 2006, 31–62). TTIP does not fit into the ideal type of the relationship between a regional organization in one region and another organization or grouping in another, a paradigm set by the EU and ASEAN, and dubbed as “old interregionalism” by Hänggi. The “new interregionalism” is characterized by the proliferation of hybrid forms, or borderline cases, a set of cases that Hänggi (2006, 40–41) calls interregional relations in a wider sense or quasi-interregionalism. Relations between a regional organization and a third state in another region are quite prominently represented in the latter category. Thus, the fact that the new interregionalism does not follow the strict EU-ASEAN model should not distract from analyzing the relations between a regional organization and a third state from an interregional perspective since this borderline model has increased most rapidly. As a matter fact, it is particularly salient in the case where one region is dominated by a major power as in North America, Northeast Asia, and South Asia. A major power such as the United States may not submit to membership in a regional organization and leave to such an organization the representation of its interests. The triad North America, Europe, and East Asia is actually characterized by the prevalence of interregional relationships in a wider sense, that is, between a regional organization and a third state (Hänggi, 2006, 41–43, 52–53).

More important than the formal classification in our case is how the transatlantic project called TTIP should be rated in terms of geographical situation, structure, function, and issue areas covered. Other important aspects are the underlying intensity of interaction, the degree of institutionalization, the expected performance, and the implications for global governance.

On all these criteria, TTIP stands apart from most interregional projects, be they narrow or wide. It covers large areas of Europe and North America, its structure is determined by deeply ingrained models of economic diplomacy, its function is to create a rules-based system of economic relations that goes far beyond agenda-setting or solving limited problems through temporary ad hoc solutions. The issue area is clearly delineated and not a fuzzy basket of interchangeable and varying issues. It is based on intense interaction, on the elite political as well as on the bureaucratic agency level.

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